At the present stage, relations between Russia and Germany are contradictory, although both sides have repeatedly spoken out about the need to strengthen cooperation in the political, economic and cultural spheres. So on May 24, 2014 in St. Petersburg, at a meeting with the heads of world news agencies V.V. Putin said: “As for our relations with the Federal Republic. We have them in full scale... I am deeply convinced that they need to be approached very carefully.” On May 20, 2014, in an interview with the Leipziger Volkszeitung newspaper, Angela Merkel noted: “For us Germans, Russia is a close partner. Between the Germans and the Russians, as between the EU and Russia, there are a large number of reliable contacts. Good relations with Russia are in our interests” http://www.kommersant.ru/doc/2619834 Kommersant website. In general, relations were built in the spirit of partnership.
Diplomatic relations between Germany and the USSR were established on September 13, 1955. The immediate beginning of relations between the Federal Republic of Germany and the Russian Federation was the recognition of Russia as a successor state of the former USSR on December 26, 1991.
The legal basis for relations is laid down in the Agreement on Good Neighborliness, Partnership and Cooperation, signed on November 9, 1990 (although it was concluded with the USSR). The treaty established the main principles of relations, including mutual respect for sovereign equality, territorial integrity, political independence, commitment to preventing wars, renunciation of any territorial claims, the desire to reduce armed forces, as well as holding regular consultations at the highest level at least once every year and at least twice a year at the level of foreign ministers, deepening economic cooperation, striving to simplify the visa regime, etc.
The Joint Statement of the President of the Russian Federation and the Federal Chancellor of the Federal Republic of Germany of November 21, 1991 also served as part of the legal foundation. Of fundamental importance is the Treaty on the Final Settlement with respect to Germany dated September 12, 1990, signed by the GDR, the FRG, Great Britain, the USA, the USSR and France, which outlined the main provisions on the issue of the unification of Germany (it also recorded the refusal of the united Germany to own and dispose of nuclear weapons).
A clear confirmation of Russia’s interest in expanding the political dialogue with Germany was the fact that his first visit as President of the Russian Federation V.V. Putin traveled to Berlin on June 15-16, 2000. From that moment on, relations with Germany became one of the priorities for Russia, which was also confirmed by the Foreign Policy Concept of the Russian Federation, adopted in July 2000 http://www.ng.ru/world/2000-07-11/1_concept.html website of the Independent newspapers. The visit of V.V. was also important. Putin to Germany on September 25-27, 2001 and his speech in the Bundestag in German. Evidence of the transition of relations to a new level is also the creation in 2001 of a public discussion forum called “St. Petersburg Dialogue”. It is held once a year and is a means of communication between the public of the two countries. The forum is carried out within six working groups: “Politics and civil society”, “Crisis prevention and peace policy”, “Economy and business life”, “Youth exchanges, education and science”, “Culture”, “Media” .
Over the past twenty-five years, Germany and Russia have managed to find solutions to issues that have remained open since Soviet times. Thus, agreements were carried out on the withdrawal of Russian troops from German territory (the withdrawal was completed on August 31, 1994), agreements were concluded on the care of war monuments and graves, on the payment by Germany of compensation to victims of Nazi persecution (400 million marks according to bilateral agreements in 1993 and more than 800 million marks according to the multilateral agreement of July 17, 2000).
Significant progress was also achieved on the issue of historical reconciliation and strengthening trust, as evidenced by the participation of the German chancellors in the celebrations in Moscow on May 9 (G. Kohl, G. Schröder, A. Merkel). In 2001, for the first time in history, the President of the Russian Federation and the Federal Chancellor of Germany laid joint wreaths at the Piskarevskoye memorial cemetery and at the memorial to Soviet soldiers in Berlin.
In the 1990s, the organizational instrument for coordinating and developing bilateral economic, financial, scientific and technical relations was the Advisory Council on Economic, Scientific and Technical Cooperation. Already in June 2000, on the initiative of the President of Russia and the Federal Chancellor of Germany, a high-level working group on strategic cooperation in the field of economics and finance was established. On December 14, 2007, the Russian-German Chamber of Foreign Trade began operating in Moscow, representing the interests of entrepreneurs from both countries. In 2003, by decision of the President of the Russian Federation and the Federal Chancellor of Germany, a high-level bilateral working group on security policy issues was created.
Since 1998, regular bilateral interstate consultations have been held at the highest level with the participation of members of the governments of Russia and Germany. In October 2010, the President of the Federal Republic of Germany, Karl Wulff, made a state visit to the Russian Federation. In November of the same year, Chairman of the Government of the Russian Federation V.V. was on a working visit to Germany. Putin. In November 2011, President of the Russian Federation D.A. Medvedev visited Germany on an official visit, during which the opening ceremony of the first branch of the Nord Stream gas pipeline took place. In 2012 and 2013, working visits of V.V. took place. Putin in Germany. In 2013, as an honorary guest, A. Merkel participated in the 17th St. Petersburg International Economic Forum. Inter-parliamentary exchanges are also carried out as planned.
Germany's desire to cooperate with Russia is also evidenced by the Bundestag Resolution on Russian-German relations of November 6, 2012 http://russkoepole.de/ru/?option=com_content&view=article&id=915:bundestag-resol&catid=1:latest-news&Itemid=18&lang =ru portal of the all-German coordination council of Russian compatriots Russian Field, Bundestag resolution on Russian-German relations. It views Russia as an important strategic partner with which Germany has a long history of cooperation that needs to be maintained and expanded in the future. It is recognized that regional and global challenges can only be dealt with jointly with Russia.
Partnership relations are developed by 23 constituent entities of the Russian Federation and 14 states of the Federal Republic of Germany. Interregional agreements and agreements of various types are being implemented. The closest contacts with the German lands are maintained by Moscow, St. Petersburg, Moscow, Nizhny Novgorod, Kaluga, Saratov, Kaliningrad, Ulyanovsk regions, Ural region, Krasnodar region. Partnerships have been established between more than a hundred pairs of Russian and German cities. The 13th meeting of sister cities is planned for June 2015 in Karlsruhe.
The cultural component also played a significant role in the development of Russian-German relations. So, from May 23, 2011 to May 22, 2012, the “Russian-German Year of Education, Science and Innovation” was held. In 2012-2013, under the patronage of the presidents of the two countries, a program of “cross” years between Russia and Germany was implemented. Also in 2006, National Coordination Bureaus for Youth Exchanges were established in Moscow and Hamburg, carrying out practical, analytical, information and consulting work in this area.
In general, some basic features can be identified in the political relations between Germany and Russia. Bilateral relations have always been built on the perception of each other as allies with common interests and values. During the presidency of V.V. Putin, there were significant positive changes in the functioning of the foreign policy mechanism, which also affected relations with Germany. In relations with Germany, pragmatism and economic expediency prevailed due to the awareness of the importance of both countries as strategic partners. Moreover, a system of stable institutions has emerged that provide support for Russian-German relations.
The beginning of the twentieth century is a special era. A century of unprecedented dynamism in all spheres of human life and society has begun, an era of globalization of world history, when humanity for the first time truly realizes what an interdependent and fragile world we exist in, when the process of development of individual civilizations and regions is acquiring more and more common features. This is the beginning of a century of triumph of reason and science and at the same time of wars, terrible tragedies, when the very concepts of progress, humanism, and the value of human life were called into question.
During this period, countries that over the previous centuries did not play leading roles in international relations came to the forefront of world politics. Among such countries we include the German Empire, which declared its power after the victory in the Franco-Prussian War. During this period, Germany began to play a significant, if not leading, role in world politics.
One of the important directions of German foreign policy in the period under review is relations with the Russian Empire. Germany has traditionally been an ally of Russia, but at the beginning of the twentieth century, the paths of these two great powers radically diverged due to a number of reasons caused by the peculiarities of the era itself.
- 1. At the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries, the balance of power in the international arena changed dramatically. The geopolitical aspirations of the great powers: Great Britain, France and Russia, on the one hand, Germany and Austria-Hungary, on the other, led to unusually intense rivalry. In the growing rivalry, each of the great powers pursued its own interests.
- 2. After the defeat of France, Germany turned out to be the strongest power in Europe. After Bismarck's resignation, Germany began to expand its policy of colonial conquest. In German political and social circles, the idea of Middle Europe - the unification of the Central European region around the German ethnic core - was actively preached. A key role in determining Germany's foreign policy strategy was played by the contradictions in its relations with France and Great Britain.
German foreign policy at the beginning of the 20th century. was determined by two main factors - the general trends in the development of international relations in the era of imperialism and the internal political situation, which favored the growth of nationalist and chauvinistic sentiments. Therefore, in addition to purely pragmatic projects of colonial expansion, the German foreign policy doctrine was based on extremely pretentious ideological postulates. Their basis was the concept of “world politics” - the transformation of Germany into one of the leading world powers, “capable of taking its place in the sun.” It was not only about changing the balance of power in the system of international relations, but also about a radical transformation of the European political space itself. 2
According to April 8, 1904, England and France divided almost the last “free” colonial territories. Thus, eliminating mutual strife, they created the opportunity for themselves to act jointly against Germany. After the agreement with France, the English admiralty pulled about 160 warships into domestic waters, scattered across numerous English possessions, but mainly from the Mediterranean Sea; there, after an agreement with France, English communications were relatively safe. Back in 1903, England began building naval bases on its east coast, facing Germany. Previously, the main bases of the English fleet were on the English Channel coast, opposite the French coast. In English naval circles, the idea was ripening whether it would not be better to sink the German fleet in advance through a surprise attack, as was once done with the Danish fleet in the Copenhagen roadstead.
Rumors about these plans also reached the Germans. On November 23, 1904, Wilhelm wrote to the head of the foreign policy department, Bernhard von Bülow: “Today I received a new message about the increasingly deteriorating mood, about articles that directly call for an attack, as well as about conversations with ladies from maritime circles; they openly declared that war should soon be declared on us, since our fleet is still so small that it can be destroyed without danger to England, and in two years it will be too late.” 1
At first, the Germans did not outwardly react to the Entente's conclusion. But as Russia suffered defeats in the war with Japan, the German imperialists began to grow bolder. And so, in response to the Anglo-French Entente, German diplomacy in the person of Holstein conceived a counter diplomatic maneuver. She decided to try to conclude an alliance with Russia. Although late, Bülow and Holstein realized that their policy of balancing between Russia and England was a mistake. The moment was favorable for Germany. During the war with Japan, Russia naturally needed friendly relations with Germany. The German government did not miss this opportunity to extract maximum concessions from tsarism. The first means of paying for German "friendship" was a trade agreement that the Germans imposed on Russia in 1904. They used the constrained position of the tsarist government to force it to reduce duties on manufactured goods. The treaty widely opened the way to Russia for German goods and German capital. He contributed to the growth of German dominance in the Russian national economy. When Admiral Rozhestvensky’s squadron was sent from the Baltic to the Far East, the German government allowed its shipowners to supply Russian ships with coal en route. This further increased Russia's dependence on Germany. 1
At the end of October 1904, an unexpected incident gave rise to the Anglo-Russian conflict. Admiral Rozhdestvensky received false intelligence information that Japanese destroyers were waiting for him in the North Sea. Fearing an attack, Rozhestvensky fired at English fishing vessels near Dogger Bank, not far from Hull, mistaking them for Japanese destroyers. This is how the Gull incident arose. Not content with a diplomatic protest, the British government began some preparatory measures of a military nature. 2
German diplomacy has long been waiting for some such moment - like a predator stalking its prey. Now it seemed to her that the time had come to jump. The Kaiser personally telegraphed the Tsar, informing him that England intended to prevent Germany from supplying coal to the Russian navy; he proposed to jointly put an end to these attempts and jointly force France to join Russia and Germany in a solidary rebuff to England. The Tsar and his government were frightened by the possibility of military complications with England. Nikolai answered Wilhelm by telegraph with consent and asked to send a draft union treaty. Wilhelm's answer was: “Dear Nicky! Your dear telegram gave me pleasure, showing that in difficult times I can be of service to you. I immediately turned to the Chancellor, and we both secretly, without informing anyone, drew up, according to your wishes, 3 articles of the agreement. Let it be as you say. Let's be together." This sensitive message was accompanied by a draft union treaty. “If one of the two empires is attacked by one of the European powers,” the draft said, “its ally will come to its aid with all its land and sea forces. If necessary, both allies will also act jointly to remind France about the obligations it has assumed under the terms of the treaty of the Franco-Russian alliance." 1
Nicholas II and Lamzdorf proposed making some amendments to the project. But soon a doubt arose in St. Petersburg: wouldn’t it be better to first show the draft treaty to the French? The king informed Wilhelm about this. In fact, this meant a breakdown in negotiations: Germany just had to confront France with the fait accompli of a Russian-German agreement. “Dear Bülow,” Wilhelm told his chancellor, “I am sending you the encrypted telegram I just received from the Tsar, which I deciphered with the help of Cuno and Gauguinau. His Majesty is beginning to break out in a cold sweat because of the Gauls, and he is such a wimp that even he does not want to conclude this agreement with us without their permission, and therefore does not want to conclude it against them either. In my opinion, we cannot allow Paris to find out anything before we receive the signature of the “Tsar-Father.” For if you inform Delcasse before signing the agreement, it is tantamount to the fact that he will give a telegram to Cambon and that same evening it will be published in the Times and Figaro, and then the matter will be over... This turn of events is very upsetting, but not surprising me: he (i.e. the king) in relation to the Gauls - because of loans - is too spineless." 2
The matter was limited to the fact that, at the categorical demand of the Germans on December 12, they were guaranteed armed assistance from Russia in the event that they had a conflict with England specifically over coal supplies to the Russian fleet.
Why did the tsarist government abandon the alliance with Germany? An alliance with Germany meant a break in the alliance with France and drew Russia into the wake of German politics. This is the main thing. Another reason for the refusal was the financial dependence of Russian tsarism on French capital. During the days of negotiations with Germany, Finance Minister Kokovtsev presented a report to the Tsar. It calculated that by using all three money markets available to Russia - Paris, Berlin and Amsterdam - during 1905 it would be possible to borrow no more than 500 million rubles, which would be enough only for 8 months of the war. Meanwhile, a deficit of 40 million was foreseen in the regular budget. Of the 500 million that, according to Kokovtsev’s calculations, Russia could count on receiving on the German market, everything that could be pumped out from there had already been extracted. There they had just begun to sell a loan of 231 million, which came to Russia in small shares throughout the next year, 1905. German capital could no longer give the remaining 270 million; they could only be obtained in Paris. Under such conditions there was no need to quarrel with the French. 1
During 1904, there were already many facts indicating that for every symptom of Russian-German rapprochement, Paris responded with a blow to the tsarist finances. When the Russian government had to pay Germany for its neutrality with a trade agreement, the French government, as compensation, negotiated the transfer of Russian military orders to French industrialists, although their prices were higher than German ones. As a result, Russia overpaid in shrapnel in order not to lose access to the Paris money market.
Be that as it may, Germany failed to conclude an alliance with Russia. Thus, this first attempt by German diplomacy to fend off the Anglo-French agreement failed.
Taking advantage of his family position, the Kaiser had great influence over his Russian cousin. At the same time, the relationship between the two emperors was far from cloudless. We went to visit each other and to parades, celebrated family anniversaries, and exchanged gifts. At a party, they pleasantly tickled each other's pride with table declarations of love and exquisite compliments. And when they parted, they cursed each other back, rewarding each other with nicknames and malicious epithets. Petty squabbles between emperors sometimes became so tedious and protracted that alarmed diplomatic services were forced to intervene in their relations. Sometimes scandalous incidents arose, sometimes smaller, sometimes larger. 1
So, on the instructions of the Kaiser, his brother, together with Alexandra Feodorovna’s sister, are spying in Russia, collecting information for Berlin from sources that were inaccessible to an ordinary spy.
The Kaiser put a lot of effort into starting the Russo-Japanese War.
The Kaiser assured the Tsar of his desire to help repel the “yellow danger” emanating from Japan and China, and the Mikado and the Peking Bogdykhan - of his sympathy for the idea of pushing the Russians back from the Far East, if not to Moscow, then, in any case, to Lake Baikal, at worst the end is until Chita. The Kaiser's plan was as follows: to involve the Russian army in the Far Eastern conflict, forcing it to weaken the cover of the country's western border; hanging over this border, to impose on Russia such conditions for further economic and political relations with the Reich that would open the way for it to hegemony in Europe.
No special situation was required for diplomatic moves in this direction. Any occasion was used. For example, the Kaiser came to visit Peterhof. Together with the king, he walked in a charabanc in the park. Unexpectedly, the guest asked the host a question: would he object if the German navy captured the Chinese port of Qingdao?
The prospect of a sharp intensification of Japan's policy and military preparations against Russia emerged, which is what Wilhelm sought. There is no doubt that “Emperor Wilhelm gave one of the impetus for this with his capture of Qingdao,” as Witte believed. He tried in every possible way to “squeeze us into Far Eastern adventures... strove to divert all our forces to the Far East... this was completely achieved by him.”
While the diplomatic battle around the Anglo-French Treaty of April 8, 1904 unfolded in Europe, armed struggle continued in East Asia. Tsarism suffered one defeat after another. Liaoyang was followed by the fall of Port Arthur, then the defeat at Mukden and, finally, the death of the Russian fleet at Tsushima in May 1905. The bourgeois-democratic revolution was growing in Russia. The difficult situation of the tsarist government and the outbreak of the Moroccan crisis prompted German diplomacy to make another attempt in July 1905 to tear Russia away from France and conclude a Russian-German alliance. With Bülow's approval, Wilhelm, during a boat trip, invited Nikolai to meet in the Baltic. The meeting took place in July 1905 in the Finnish skerries, near the island of Bjorke. Wilhelm suggested that Nikolai return to last year’s draft union treaty. He convinced the tsar to sign a document similar to the one discussed at the end of last year. Nikolai agreed. Having signed the agreement, he called the naval minister Birilev, who accompanied him, covered the text with his palm and ordered Birilev to sign under it. He waved. Thus, the royal signature was countersigned by the minister in accordance with the requirement of the basic laws of the empire. 1
The 1907 agreement created the so-called Triple Entente - the Triple Entente consisting of England, France and Russia, opposing the Triple Alliance of Germany, Austria-Hungary and Italy. However, Italy, as a result of the Franco-Italian agreement in 1902, had actually already moved away from the Triple Alliance. Thus, as a result of its aggressive policy, Germany found itself isolated - together with its weak ally Austria-Hungary. At the same time, agreements between all Entente members and Japan more or less ensured their rear in the Far East. This was, of course, of no small importance in the event of war with Germany.
foreign policy germany russian
Wikipedia article
Among the countries of the European Union, Germany is considered one of the countries with which Russia traditionally has the most friendly and fruitful relations.
Angela Merkel (German Chancellor since 2005) is more skeptical of Russia than her predecessors in this post, Helmut Kohl and Gerhard Schröder. Having become chancellor, she made it clear that she would return Germany’s main foreign policy orientation to the United States, and that Russia needed to be treated more distantly, albeit pragmatically.
A book about Russian-German relations in the twentieth century has been presented (May 30, 2015 - www.istpravda.ru)
Yesterday, in the building of the Presidium of the Russian Academy of Sciences, the joint work of the Russian and German teams of authors “Russia - Germany. Milestones of joint history. 20th century” was presented.
A Russian-German historical collection has been published (March 11, 2015 - Rossiyskaya Gazeta - rg.ru)
Finally, the fruit of many years of work of the Russian-German historical commission, founded by the first President of Russia Boris Yeltsin and ex-Chancellor of Germany Helmut Kohl in 1997, has seen the light of day. On Tuesday evening, the third volume of the collection, dedicated to the history of the 20th century, was solemnly presented in a full hall of the Berlin State Library. Scientists from Russia and Germany assessed all significant events of the 20th century. But disagreements arose regarding a number of episodes of the Second World War.
“On fourteen of the twenty topics, we came to a consensus,” notes Doctor of Historical Sciences Horst Müller. “One article was published on them, whether it was originally presented by a Russian or a German author. On the remaining six topics, we presented one article on each side. This allows the reader to choose a position that interests him and shows the dialogue between historians that exists in our countries."
The unification of Germany and the policies of Bismarck (1871-1890). From Bismarck's resignation to 1918
Russian-German relations from the unification of Germany to the end of the First World War (rossgerm.ru)
The first chancellor of a united Germany, Otto von Bismarck, defended the need to maintain good relations with Russia, but most German politicians had a negative attitude towards their eastern neighbor.
In 1887, the Russian-German “Reinsurance Treaty” was signed, guaranteeing mutual neutrality in case of war.
In 1890, Bismarck was dismissed and the young Emperor Wilhelm II refused to renew the Reinsurance Treaty.
Vladimir Degoev. Russia and Bismarck. (magazines.russ.ru)
In 1871, the German Empire appeared in the center of the continent, on the border with Russia. It was naive to hope that it would behave in the same way as Prussia, modest in size and military-economic capabilities. While politely listening to Berlin's assurances of eternal gratitude for its invaluable assistance in the fateful issue of German unification, St. Petersburg still thought more about new threats for itself and tried, based on them, to build its own European strategy.
The previous policy, oriented towards supporting Prussia, needed adjustment, the nature of which depended not on Germany’s emotional statements, but on its real behavior towards Russia and Europe. Whose side - St. Petersburg or Vienna - will she take in Balkan affairs, and how far do her plans extend in the Rhineland and other regions?
Iron Chancellors: Bismarck and Gorchakov (ricolor.org)
There are moments in international politics when such factors as the intellectual, strong-willed and ethical qualities of statesmen acquire dominant importance. This most often happens in periods when the old structure of international relations suddenly falls apart, and the new one does not have time to mature not only in the systems of interstate treaties, but also in the heads of presidents and emperors. One of these periods occurred between 1856 and 1890.
Exacerbation of Russian-German relations (1871-1917) (All History.rf)
Germany, step by step, pursued a policy of aggravating relations with Russia. All this anti-Russian policy of Bismarck ultimately turned against Germany. Germany's refusal to provide loans to Russia pushed the latter to obtain a financial loan in France.
The role of dynastic relations in the history of Germany and Russia
Why did German princesses most often become the wives of Russian tsars and grand dukes? First of all, because of his Lutheran faith, which allowed him to freely move or change it to another. While the Roman Catholic Church did not welcome renunciation of their faith. The brides of the Russian Grand Dukes certainly had to convert to Orthodoxy. This was a requirement.
The tradition of Russian-German dynastic ties dates back to Peter I, who was married first to Evdokia Fedorovna Lopukhina from a famous Russian boyar family, and then to the daughter of a Livonian inhabitant, Ekaterina Skavronskaya (future Empress Catherine I). “Peter definitely wanted to interbreed his son with one of the German royal families. Tsarevich Alexei did not dare to resist his domineering father.
Germans in Muscovite Rus'
The era of the Russian Empire
World War I
Interwar time (1922-1941)
Relations with the Weimar Republic
This was the first interstate agreement regulating relations between Germany and Russia after the end of the First World War. Subsequently, it was confirmed and expanded by other treaties, in particular in 1926 by the Berlin Treaty. By signing the Treaty of Rapallo, both the Weimar Republic and Soviet Russia, which were in international isolation, hoped to strengthen their positions in the international political arena. The signing was also important for the economies of the two countries: for Germany, Russia was a good market for industrial products, which were boycotted at that time in other European countries; For Russia, cooperation with Germany meant the revival of its own industry, which had fallen into decline and was destroyed during the Civil War. Specifically, within the framework of the agreement, it was discussed about the supply by the German side of equipment for the development of Caspian oil fields. The benefit seemed mutual: Russia was developing oil fields without the help of other European countries; Germany is reducing its dependence on the UK and US oil cartels.
Despite the widespread belief that secret additional protocols on military cooperation were also signed at Rapallo, no additional or separate agreements were concluded. Nevertheless, even before the Rapallo meeting, the Weimar Republic, which militarily had the rights only to troops for “internal needs,” collaborated with Russia in this area. With the establishment of diplomatic relations, work in this direction was intensified: Germany had the opportunity to train its military specialists for aviation and tank forces (which was prohibited to it after the First World War); Russia gained access to German military developments and also the opportunity to train its military personnel.
As part of military cooperation, a joint flight school was organized in 1925 near Lipetsk. On the basis of the existing airfield and some buildings, after reconstruction and creation of the necessary infrastructure, under the leadership of German specialists, over 8 years of existence, about 120 pilots were trained for Germany and a certain number of military specialists for the Soviet Union.
On October 3, 1926, a document was signed on the creation of a joint tank school near Kazan, but practical training there began only in the spring of 1929. No more than 12 people studied at the school at a time. On June 20, 1933, the school was disbanded. During the operation of the school, up to 30 Reichswehr officers were trained for the German side. One of the Soviet graduates of the school was Hero of the Soviet Union, Lieutenant General of Tank Forces S. M. Krivoshein.
Also in 1926, an agreement was signed on the creation of a joint chemical laboratory for military purposes (Tomka Object). In the Saratov region at the Tomka facility " methods of using toxic substances in artillery and aviation were tested, as well as means and methods for degassing contaminated areas».
Relations with the Third Reich
The Great Patriotic War
Cold War era
After defeat in the war, Germany was divided between the Allies into four occupation zones. On September 7, the Federal Republic of Germany was founded on the territory of the occupation zones of Great Britain, the United States and France, with its capital in Bonn. A month later in the Soviet sector - the German Democratic Republic with its capital in East Berlin. The Federal Republic of Germany joined NATO, and the German Democratic Republic joined the Warsaw Treaty Organization. On 13 August, a wall was erected between East and West Berlin. Thus, "East Germany" became the USSR's main outpost in the Cold War.
The Group of Soviet Forces in Germany, which was considered one of the most combat-ready in the Soviet Army, was stationed on the territory of the GDR. Germany also became, perhaps, the most important center of activity for the State Security Committee in its confrontation with Western intelligence agencies. It was mainly in Germany that the exchange of arrested spies took place between the USA and the USSR (in this regard, the Glienicke Bridge became famous).
Current situation
Political relations
Economic cooperation
Germany is Russia's most important trading partner, accounting for 13.6 percent of all Russian foreign trade. Russia for Germany, based on absolute financial indicators, is the 10th most important trading partner and trade with it accounts for about 3 percent of the total figure. However, the import of Russian energy resources is of a strategic nature for Germany. Already today, Germany imports more than 30 percent of natural gas and 20 percent of oil from Russia, and according to experts, this share will increase even more in the future. Russia imports many mechanical engineering products from Germany.
Cooperation in the cultural sphere
Culturally, there is close cooperation between both states. 2005 was the year of Germany in Russia, and the year of Russia in Germany. Russia was the main country at the Frankfurt Book Fair. One of the periodically arising issues related to the cultural sphere is the question of the return to Germany of captured art taken out by Soviet soldiers after the end of World War II.
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